Carbon Removal
And the Winner of Elon Musk’s Carbon Removal XPRIZE Is ...
Congratulations to Mati Carbon, an enhanced rock weathering startup that works with farmers in India.
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Congratulations to Mati Carbon, an enhanced rock weathering startup that works with farmers in India.
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Chestnut Carbon announces a major new funding round on the heels of its deal with Microsoft.
The embattled nature-based carbon removal market got a significant show of support today as Chestnut Carbon announced a whopping $160 million Series B funding round, led by the Canada Pension Plan Investment Board. The startup focuses on planting trees and vegetation as well as on improving forest management practices to better remove carbon from the atmosphere.
This announcement comes on the heels of the company’s recent deal with Microsoft to remove over 7 million tons of carbon dioxide from the atmosphere over a 25-year period. That involves planting about 35 million native trees over about 60,000 acres. It’s Microsoft’s largest carbon removal contract in the U.S., and one of the largest domestic carbon removal projects period — including those that rely on engineered solutions such as direct air capture.
Chestnut aims to fill a void in the forest carbon removal space by employing a rigorous measurement, reporting, and verification framework that it claims leaves little room for accounting errors and greenwashing, offering a solution that, hopefully, the market can finally trust. So far it seems, investors are buying it.
Chestnut will use this latest funding to build out afforestation projects — that is, planting trees in areas where, at least in modern times, forests have not existed. “We’re buying this farmland — this is marginal pasture land — and we are turning that back into a native forest,” Chestnut’s chief financial officer, Greg Adams, told me. The company buys land that is ill-suited for farming due to factors such as acidic, alkaline, or nutrient-poor soil or a climate that’s hostile to food crops but works for certain tree species.
The startup began planting native tree species in Arkansas and Alabama in 2022, and has since expanded into Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and Oklahoma. There are a number of benefits to planting in the Southeast, Adams told me. For one, the region’s climate allows trees to grow particularly fast, leading to more immediate carbon benefits. Also, the area isn’t very wildfire-prone, but is extremely biodiverse — so if one species of tree falls victim to disease or blight, much of the forest is likely to remain unscathed. “We look to build a forest that, if you had a time machine and you went back 100 years, would look very similar to what was there 100 years ago,” Adams told me.
While planting trees isn’t particularly expensive, land acquisition is, and that’s what the majority of Chestnut’s Series B funding will go towards. Adams told me that owning the land also helps to “reinforce the permanent nature” of Chestnut’s carbon removals, since the company has 100% control over land management decisions.
Forest-based carbon offsets are famously prone to fraud and other accounting improprieties. A 2023 investigation showed that many rainforest carbon credits approved by Verra, a leading credit certifier, for instance, were essentially bogus.
Chestnut is well aware that past scandals have eroded trust in nature-based removal efforts and aims to counteract the industry’s dubious reputation. While Verra does certify Chestnut Carbon’s “improved forest management” credits, another entity called Gold Standard certifies the company’s afforestation credits.
In addition to aligning with Gold Standard’s methodology, Adams told me the team uses a number of tools to verify the amount of carbon that its trees remove, including one that the company invented itself, which has plotted every parcel of land in the lower 48 states. This tool uses public and private data to inform Chestnut whether a plot of land is suitable for afforestation. Then, given a hypothetical mix of trees and their space relative to each other, an algorithm determines how much CO2 they would capture and sequester over a 50-year period. After the digital work is done, foresters visit the proposed site and develop a more nuanced analysis that takes into account factors such as expected yield over a given period of time and various mortality risks.
“We sell carbon credits, but we ultimately sell reputational risk insurance, because these are voluntary,” Adams told me, saying he recognizes the fragile nature of the market at this stage. “I want to make sure that what we do is seen differently, in a positive way, and ultimately it’s not going to blow back in our customers’ faces.”
Three tactics from Erin Burns, executive director of Carbon180, on how the industry can use this time wisely.
Erin Burns has been here before. The executive director of Carbon180, a carbon removal research and policy nonprofit, joined the organization as its first policy director in 2018, partway through Donald Trump’s first term as president. It was under that administration that she helped win the first ever dedicated federal research and development funding for carbon removal, a modest $60 million in 2019.
It’s a very different world today than it was then, so she wasn’t exactly here. There’s now billions of dollars in federal funding appropriated to pull carbon from the atmosphere — not just for research and development, but also for building commercial-scale projects and purchasing carbon removal services. At the same time, this new Trump administration is moving more quickly and aggressively than the last one to undo anything resembling climate policy, and future attempts to re-allocate some of that money are not out of the question.
I recently spoke to Burns about how she’s looking to make progress on carbon removal under these circumstances. Here are my big takeaways from the conversation.
It’s not yet clear how the Trump administration or new Congress is going to act on existing carbon removal programs. Although the industry has a history of receiving bipartisan support and federally-funded carbon removal projects are happening in Republican states and districts, that doesn’t mean these programs are safe. “The rollback of certain policies are not ultimately going to be about how people feel about direct air capture or carbon removal,” Burns told me. “It’s going to be a broader ideology around the role of a place like the Department of Energy, and what kinds of supports the federal government should provide.”
With that in mind, Burns’ motto is “the best defense is a good offense.” That means working with the congresspeople who supported the direct air capture hubs to highlight why the government should continue investing in them. It also involves working with labor unions with members in heavy industry who see the jobs potential. It’s time to double down on a more expansive argument for the benefits of these projects, she said. “There are additional benefits to every carbon removal pathway. We should always be talking about them. Climate’s not going to be the argument that gets you those really durable political coalitions.”
Playing offense also means planning for the next opening. The reason the Biden administration made so much progress on carbon removal, Burns said, is that advocates like her spent two years under the Trump administration meeting weekly, developing policy and “socializing” it, so that it was “ready to go.” As policy enactment in Washington slows down, advocates will have more capacity to sit down and develop the next wave of ideas. To Burns, that means thinking about a more tailored, ground-up approach.
“To be honest, we don’t really have carbon removal policy in the United States,” Burns told me. “We have direct air capture policy, and even that is, like, point-source carbon capture policy that’s been tweaked to fit direct air capture.” An example is the 45Q tax credit, which was originally created to support projects that capture carbon from the smokestacks of coal plants, but was expanded to support direct air capture projects as well.
But carbon removal is not just direct air capture — it’s also planting trees and grinding rocks, activities that likely require different policies and supports than big air-sucking machines to scale up. Leveraging all that to its fullest extent will require a more expansive policy regime.
“Let’s start from scratch,” Burns said. “Start to grapple with the fundamental nature of carbon removal as a unique thing that isn’t going to be deployed only with the policies that we’ve used to deploy technologies like solar. Because carbon removal is not going to create electricity, for example. It’s not just about making it cheap enough that there’s going to be this market force. Making it cheaper is great, but you also have to think about the other barriers.”
Before coming to Carbon180, Burns worked at the center-left think tank Third Way on carbon capture and nuclear energy policy. While she was there, Trump proposed dramatically slashing the Department of Energy’s budget for energy efficiency and renewable energy research and eliminating the Advanced Research Projects Agency-Energy, which supports the early development of technologies that are too risky for private investment.
“You can get some unusual bedfellows together when you have an administration that’s trying to cut, say, all of the Department of Energy,” Burns said. Instead of renewable developers and nuclear power companies and carbon removal startups all fighting for a piece of the pie, there’s incentive to come together and “make sure the pie still exists.”
It’s not just about preserving funding. The carbon removal industry also needs to be making inroads with adjacent industries because they have common interests. Direct air capture facilities need renewable energy to operate. and right now the future of renewable energy is under major threat. Similarly, direct air capture projects need the Environmental Protection Agency to be well-staffed enough to continue permitting carbon sequestration wells — a process that was slow to start but starting to pick up at the end of Biden’s term. “I think there’s value in us thinking about what it means to not just defend carbon removal, but defend all of this climate infrastructure that is going to be necessary for us to be successful.”
In her past work on carbon capture, Burns grew familiar with a divide between players who were genuinely trying to fight climate change and those for whom carbon capture was just a line in their advertising budget. In her view, the carbon removal industry has been different, with most companies genuinely trying to do the right thing for the climate. It’s an open question as to whether that might change in this new political environment, she said.
Under the Biden administration, the Department of Energy was staffed with some of the leading carbon removal experts in the country. Now there may be less pressure on companies to have high standards for measuring, reporting, and verifying carbon removal outcomes — meaning more of an opening to fudge the truth of how much benefit their projects are providing.
The Trump administration is also scaling back the size of agencies’ staff and removing requirements for companies that receive financial assistance to do things like ensure that the communities hosting their projects also benefit from them. Burns said the onus is on organizations like Carbon180 and on corporate carbon removal buyers to maintain high standards not just for measurement, but also for community engagement. “If you care about deploying CDR, you need to care about local support for those projects,” she said.
For one, community opposition can shut down a project. But also, bringing benefits to host communities helps build political support for carbon removal that can lead to more federal aid down the line. “Those are keys for long-term success.”